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Nigeria: Symbolic Reflections on Voter’s Register and Election Outcomes

London Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences
Volume | Issue | Compilation
Authored by Anthony Eniayejuni , NA
Classification: For Code: 160699
Keywords: voters register; election; democracy and democratic growth.
Language: English

Election is an integral part of democracy.Elections are held to justify and acknowledge the will of the people as to who should represent, govern, and occupy an elective position. Credible election does not only legitimize the powers of the elected office holders but also make the sovereign power of the citizens known. However, election in Nigeria is trapped in transitiondue to electoral malpractices and lack of genuine voters register. Thus, election marked by irregularities and malpractices impedes democratic growth.This paper argues that genuine voter’sregister and credible election is sine qua non for strengthening democracy in Nigeria

               

Nigeria: Symbolic Reflections on Voter’s Register and Election Outcomes

Anthony Eniayejuni

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  1. ABSTRACT

Election is an integral part of democracy. Elections are held to justify and acknowledge the will of the people as to who should represent, govern, and occupy an elective position. Credible election does not only legitimize the powers of the elected office holders but also make the sovereign power of the citizens known. However, election in Nigeria is trapped in transition due to electoral malpractices and lack of genuine voters register. Thus, election marked by irregularities and malpractices impedes democratic consolidation.  This paper argues that genuine voter’s register and credible election is a sine qua non for strengthening democracy in Nigeria.

Keywords: voters register; election; democracy and democratic growth.

Author: International Relations Department, Cyprus International University, Lefkosa, Mersin 10, Turkey.

  1. INTRODUCTION

Over the last eighteen years, Nigeria has had uninterrupted democratic governance and transition of political power from one democratic government to another. Despite this, there is a growing crisis of corruption, lack of transparency, lack of accountability, lack of responsiveness to the needs of the masses, and detachment of government and the people. In engendering democratic values and making democratic institutions more responsive to the needs of the masses, full participation of the citizens in voter’s registration exercise and elections are needed to enhance the influence of the citizen’s and increase political accountability, proper representation, good governance and democratic consolidation (Neil, 1992: 26). The development of democratic political system in a country like Nigeria can be measured in part by the conduct of voter’s registration and elections; which is the hallmark and essential ingredient of a democratic political system.  However, elections in Nigeria have not lived up to standards due to electoral malpractices, lack of genuine voters register, corruption and crave for power by the political elites. Electoral conducts and outcomes in Nigeria have been marred by electoral malpractices such as underage voting, ballot stuffing, multiple tombs printing, intimidation and harassment of opposition during elections. Often- times, fictitious names such as names of family members living abroad, foreigners, dead people (Favour, 2011) and non-living objects are enlisted and included in the voters register (ThisDay Live Newspaper, 2012). The Nigerian political arena is enveloped in a swirl of corruption. Political office in Nigeria is often seen as the primary source of private wealth creation and accumulation. This syndrome had made politics a big business in the country, because anything spent to secure a political office is regarded as an investment. This has made the struggle for political control and electoral contest so intense. The political elites sees participation in the electoral process as an investment, which matures immediately one, gets into office. In the attempt to attain and maintain their hold on power, the political elites engage in unconventional modes of electoral malpractices, they explore every avenue whether legal or illegal to attain and remain in office. Thus, the desire of the political elites to attain and remain in office by all means brings about electoral corruption, where the citizens are denied the right to elect the candidate of their choice. This study argues that genuine voter’s register and credible election is a sine qua non for strengthening democracy in Nigeria.

  1. EXPLAINING DEMOCRACY AND ELECTION

No state is really strong unless its government has full consent of at least the majority of its people; and it is difficult to envisage how that consent can be obtained outside democracy (Godfrey, 2006: 434). Democracy presumes that people who live together in a society need a process for arriving at binding decisions that take everybody’s interests into account (Robert and Philip, 2005: 411). Democracy provides regular constitutional opportunities for changing officials and permits the largest possible part of the population to influence decisions through their ability to choose among alternative contenders for political office (Zehra, 2003: 19). This process involves some popular participation in the selection of leaders and policies, at least through regular free and fair elections (Martin and Lakin, 2004: 19). The quality and integrity of the electoral process represent a core component of democracy that has become basic index in evaluating and assessing the democratic consolidation of any nation. Election involves the participation of the people in the act of exercising their political will and choice in electing those that represent them and at the same time create an opportunity to sanction the incumbents to account for policy performance at the re-election time. Election stands as a guarantor of social peace through which the ruled confers legitimacy on the ruler. Election provides a link between the government and the governed; and through the act of voting, government consent is secured, public questions and contest are resolved and determined. Election encompasses activities before, during, and after elections, which includes the constitutional framework of elections, registration of political parties, voter’s registration, party campaigns, voting, the role of the media, and the activities of the security agencies (Festus, 2003). Prior to elections in Nigeria, voters registration exercise is embarked on to enable and guarantee the right of Nigerians who have turned eighteen years and above to cast their votes during the election.  Voter’s registration is an important mechanism; it establishes the eligibility to vote in an election by ensuring that all qualified individuals enjoy the right to vote and at the same time it help prevent electoral fraud or multiple voting during elections. The votes cast by the electorates during the election are translated to election results, which will determine or solidify the process of electing or rejecting a candidate for public office. Voter’s registration, voting, election results, political campaigns, and electoral laws are all important part of electoral process and democracy.

  1. RECURRING DECIMAL IN THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN NIGERIA

The history of elections in Nigeria since independence has been an exercise in futility, due to lack of genuine voters register and electoral malpractices. The inability of the electoral commission and the political elites to play the game of politics according to its rule was one of the root causes of the military takeover in Nigeria. Virtually all the elections that have taken place in Nigeria since independence were highly controversial. Before the 1965 election that was held in each region of the country, there was controversy about the genuineness and accuracy of the voter’s register, and this led to the allegation of vote rigging. The post-election period brought the nation into chaos, and the situation provided a conducive atmosphere for a coup d’état in 1966.  The 1983 election was not without flaws; the elections were marred by violence, widespread vote rigging, irregularities, and electoral malfeasance that led to legal battles over the results (Commonwealth Observer Group, 2006: 8). The aftermath of the election brought the whole country into chaos; there was series of killings and arson. The political instability in the country provided the opportunity for another coup d’état on 31 December 1983; the military officers cited corruption, political violence, and electoral malpractices as the reasons for overthrowing the civilian government. Huntington stated that, “Once a military junta takes over power; it will normally promise to return to civilian rule. In due course, it does so if only to minimize divisiveness within the armed forces and to escape from its own inability to govern effectively. In a praetorian situation like this, neither authoritarian nor democratic institutions are effectively institutionalized. Once a country enters into this cyclical pattern it appears to be difficult for her to escape from it (Huntington, 1984: 210).” After the incessant transition of power to civilian rule by various military regimes, Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999. Prior to 1999 election, an electoral body Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was established. Nine political parties were registered, but Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), All Peoples Party (APP), and Alliance for Democracy (AD) were the three political parties that fulfill the required criteria to contest the election. Despite that, the election was marred with a lot of irregularities, fraud, ballot rigging and the results were said to be predetermined (Festus, 2004). On 29 May 1999, Olusegun Obasanjo of the People’s Democratic Party was sworn in as the President of Federal Republic of Nigeria. In 2003 general election, more political parties participated in the election (Jiti, 2012); and all the rigging methods and electoral malpractices such as multiple tombs printing, ballot-stuffing, intimidation and harassment of opposition used in previous elections resurfaced and the use of violence as a political tool also became rampant. Amidst all irregularities and electoral malpractices, Olusegun Obasanjo of the PDP was again re-elected as the president of Nigeria. The 2003 general election was a major milestone in the political history of Nigeria, instead of a coup d’état, civilian government was replaced by another civilian government.

Prior to 2007 general election, INEC introduced a computerized Direct Data Capture Machine (DDCM) to modernize voter’s registration and to prevent multiple voting, underage voting, and other electoral malpractices (Uche, 2013: 53). Unfortunately, the voter’s registration exercise fell short of expectations as many Nigerians were disenfranchised due to diversion, disappearance, and misapplication of the machines. For instance: six of these machines were said to be found in the house of late Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu (Chris, 2008) and another two Direct Data Capture machines were said to be found in the house of Dr. Saka Balogun where they illegally registered both qualified and underage (The Nation’s Newspaper, 2007). Fictitious names such as Mike Tyson, Mohammed Ali, and late Ayo Babalola also found their way into INEC voters register and voted (PM Newspaper, 2011). The foundation of electoral malpractices in Nigeria is at the level of voter’s registration, and this was evident during the general election, which was conducted based on the voters register. Virtually all the contestants in all the electoral positions throughout the country went to court challenging the election results announced by the electoral commission INEC due to the series of flaws witnessed during the election. Musa Yar’Adua of the People’s Democratic Party was sworn in as the President of Nigeria based on 2007 voters register. President Yar’Adua admitted in his inaugural speech that the process through which he came into office was grossly flawed. He said “We acknowledge that our elections were not perfect and had lapses and shortcomings, and our experiences have presented an opportunity to learn from our mistakes (PBS News, 2007).” He promised far-reaching electoral reforms to guarantee free, fair, and credible elections in Nigeria. In fulfilling his promise, President Yar’Adua established Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) consisting of 22 members headed by Hon. Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais on 28 August 2007 (Davidson, 2009). During the inauguration of the ERC members, the president said that in spite of the general agreement by Nigerians that democracy is the most appropriate form of government, our inability to conduct an election that is locally and internationally accepted and credible has left a credibility problem for our electoral process. He added that the shortcomings in the conduct of election had put a heavy obligation upon us to develop a means of endowing the electoral process with the highest internationally and locally acceptable quality and standard (Lanre, 2007). However, the report of the committee was subjected to political permutations by the government, and little enthusiasm was shown in implementing the recommendations. On 5 May 2010, President Yar’Adua died after a long illness (BBC News, 2010). The vice-president Goodluck Jonathan was sworn as the President on 6 May 2010 (USAfrica, 2010). In his inaugural speech, President Jonathan pledged a renewed commitment to good governance, electoral reform and the fight against corruption. President Jonathan said, “We must enshrine the best standards in our democratic practice, and one of the true tests would be to ensure that all votes count and are counted in the upcoming general elections (Kunle, 2010).” He was elected as the president of Nigeria amidst all irregularities, violence, and electoral malpractices on 18 April 2011.

In order to imbibe public confidence in the electoral process and to guide against the abnormalities of 2007 voter register; the electoral body INEC sought for a new voter register that was used for the general elections in 2011. On 15 January 2011, voter’s registration exercise started in all the state across the country including Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and was scheduled to hold for two weeks. The registration exercise was later extended by one week due to technical hitches such as rejection of voters fingerprint by the fingerprint scanner; absence and malfunctioning of the DDCM in some registration centers, which resulted in a low turnout of voters. There were reports that many political elites in governments control registration exercise in their areas through ‘Greek gifts’ given to INEC officials (John and Adeoye, 2012: 105). However, underage registrations which were a concern during the voter’s registration exercise later became obvious during the general election; as underage was seen casting their votes during the election (Vanguard Newspaper, 2011) (Sahara Reporters, 2011). Multiple registrations were also apparent as the DDCM lack the capacity of detecting multiple registrations.

In preparation for 16 November 2013 governorship election in Anambra state, INEC announced the conduct of Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) exercise, in order to grant voters who have not turn eighteen years old during 2011 voter’s registration exercise to register ahead of the governorship election (INEC, 2013). The commission also said that it would employ the use of Automatic Fingerprints Identification System (AFIS) to eliminate multiple registrations and other accompanying problems witnessed during the 2007 and 2011 elections. In spite of that, series of irregularities such as the inclusion of non-living objects and cases of missing names trailed the voters register used for the Anambra governorship election. Many eligible and registered voters were said to be deprived of voting because they could not find their names in the voters register used for the election. For instance: Chief Arthur Eze, the PDP governorship candidate Mr. Tony Nwoye and some of his family members could not find their names in the voter’s register (Stephen, 2013). The electoral body also registered a ‘plate of rice’ as a 37 years old male voter in Anambra election (Sahara Reporters, 2013). It is obvious that the Anambra State governorship election was marred by irregularities and electoral malpractices. If the electoral commission INEC could not conduct a credible election in a single state such as Anambra State governorship election with credible voters register then how will INEC conduct the general election for all states? Nevertheless, on 18 November 2013, the electoral commission declared that the gubernatorial election was inconclusive, due to the cancellation of 113,113 votes because of irregularities in the election conduct and massive disenfranchisement of people across the state (ThisDay Live Newspaper, 2013). Likewise, the INEC chairman admitted that the electoral body failed to perform to the expectations of Nigerians in the election and that a supplementary election would be conducted on 30 November 2013 (Okey, 2013). The INEC boss said the supplementary election will take place in 210 polling units where the election was canceled to determine the winner of the governorship election in the state (Vincent and Uche, 2013).  The controversies that went after the conduct of the governorship election in Anambra State led many Nigerians to ask how prepared is the electoral mission in conducting governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun States as both elections will influence the level of preparation, preparedness, and commitment in conducting credible election in 2015 which will be completely devoid of electoral malpractices. In reaction, the independent national electoral commission assured the citizenry of the states and Nigerians that the commission had learned from the governorship election in Anambra State and that such defects would not duplicate itself in Ekiti and Osun State elections as well as 2015 general election. The Commission Chairman stated that “Anambra was an unfortunate event, but it doesn’t in any way indicate our level of preparedness for the approaching general election in 2015. I want to say that, as a committee, we have taken many lessons from what happened in Anambra State and we are dying to put such knowledge to use, as we arrive ready to conduct other elections in the nation. Beginning with the governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun States. I desire to exhort us all, to manage our best as we get ready because the Anambra State lessons would be factored in, our formulations; then the challenge for us, is to see to it that we get the two governorship elections as a trial case in terms of remarkable improvement before the 2015 general elections (ThisDay Live Newspaper, 2014)." Nevertheless, the Commission Chairman gave the assurance that the electoral body was ready and prepared to conduct credible elections.

Ahead of the governorship elections in Ekiti and Osun State which was held on 21 June 2014 and 9 August 2014 respectively. The electoral commission gave citizens who have only turned eighteen years old the opportunity to participate in the elections by conducting Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) exercise. The Commission also distributed Permanent Voter Cards (PVC) to those with Temporary Voter Card (TVC). The commission further distributed PVC to those that duly registered in 2011 but failed to get printed copy of their PVC. The electoral commission said the exercise would allow eligible voters to register while those with TVC would receive a computerized voters card. The Commission stated that the reason behind computerized voter’s card was to checkmate ballot snatching and multiple voting during elections (Channels Television, 2014). In Ekiti state, out of 657,256 PVC’s, that was printed by the commission, a total number of 347,741 were collected by verified holders while in Osun state 697,574 PVC’s were collected out of 1,256,569 meant for the state. For the CVR exercise, 78,875 and 149,089 new registrants recorded in Ekiti and Osun state respectively (INEC Bulletin, 2014). In Ekiti state, 18 political parties presented candidates for the governorship election, although it was widely believed that the contest was three horse race between governorship candidates of APC Kayode Fayemi, Ayodele Fayose of PDP and Bamidele Opeyemi of Labour Party (LP). The announcement of the election result of the returning officer on 22 June 2014 declared Ayodele Fayose of PDP as the winner of the gubernatorial election in Ekiti state. According to the commission, Ayodele Fayose of PDP won in all the 16 local governments of the state, polling 203,090 votes to beat the incumbent governor and the candidate of APC Kayode Fayemi who scored 120,433 votes, while LP candidate Bamidele Opeyemi scored 18,135votes (Premium Times Newspaper, 2014). Responding to the election results, the Deputy National Chairman of APC said, “What took place in Ekiti State was a new dimension in election rigging in Nigeria. He stated, the party is ready to challenge the election outcome in court and stated further that we have witnessed, studied the election outcome and for posterity’s sake, we know the election is not the will of the people (Gbenga, 2014).” Likewise, the governor’s wife also said, in due course, the full and real story of how the 21 June 2015 Ekiti governorship election was rigged and controlled from the informant will be uncovered. (The Nation Newspaper, 2014)  However, on 5 February 2015, audio recordings and document tagged Ekitigate emerged providing substantial evidence that some PDP chieftains connived with security agents to rig the governorship election in Ekiti state. The 37-minute audio recording detail how similar scenario is being planned for governorship election in Osun State. A Captain who was required to come with his commanding officer, a Brigadier General to the locus of the meeting on 20 June 2014 in a hotel owned by the PDP candidate for the governorship election did the recording of the audio tape. In attendance at the meeting were the then Minister of State for Defense, Minister of Police Affairs, a Brigadier General of the Nigerian Army, some PDP chieftains and PDP governorship candidates for both Ekiti and Osun states (AIT Online, 2015). The transcript of their meeting includes strategies and plans on how to carry out electoral fraud with the avail of the Nigerian armed forces, which includes arresting of important APC chieftains, use of stickers to identify people not to arrest and deployment of Strike Force to assist PDP members that engaged in electoral fraud. In the audio recording, the PDP governorship candidate admitted that INEC had provided a soft copy of the result set and that the Chief of Army staff had also given his consent. The minister also stated that he was instructed by the president to execute the plan (Sahara Reporters, 2015a). According to All Nigeria Save Democracy Movement (ANSADEM) convener, Comrade Adebayo M. Adebayo, he described the use of the Nigeria military at the Ekitigate scandal as relegating the role of the Nigerian army to riggers and a Brigadier-General to an errand boy by dubious politicians. He said further that the gladiators in the midst of Ekitigate scandal are still in the corridors of power (Sahara Reporters, 2015b).

In preparation for 2015 general election, the electoral Commission embarks on Continuous Voter Registration Exercise and distribution of Permanent Voter Cards across the country in order to make room for all eligible electors who have reached the age of 18 years after the last general election in 2011. The Commission urges those who are yet to register to accept vantage of the registration exercise to be able to vote in the 2015 general elections (Channels Television, 2014). Initially, the presidential and national assembly election was slated for 14 February and the gubernatorial and house of assembly election for 28 February 2015. Nevertheless, the election was later moved to 28 March and 11 April 2015 respectively, due to insurgency activities in four Northeast states of Nigeria, Borno, Yobe, Gombe and Adamawa State. The Nigeria security agents said in order to guarantee the security and safety of INEC activities and operations; they need at least six weeks to conclude major operation (INEC Bulletin, 2015). The electoral commission Chairman said the extension is in line with the legal provisions require for conducting elections. According to Section 25 of the Electoral Act, 2010 as amended, which provides that electoral commission requires to conduct election not earlier than 150 days and not later than 30 days before expiry of the term of office of the last holder of that office (Electoral Act, 2010). The electoral commission carried out the distribution of PVC’s and the CVR exercise nationwide in three stages for greater efficiency (Omeiza, 2014). In its commitment to the conduct of a free, fair and credible election in Nigeria. The committee announces its plan to use electronic voter authentication system, called Smart Card Readers (SCR) for the 28 March and 11 April 2015 general election (Augusta, 2015). According to the commission, the SCR has the capability of verifying genuine PVCs issued by INEC and identifying the legitimate holder of PVCs (INEC News, 2015). The electoral commission said the use of SCR would infuse credibility and transparency to the nation’s electoral process. Nevertheless, the function of the SCR became a source of concern for many politicos, particularly between the PDP and APC. The PDP opposes the use of a card reader, saying this is the first time of sweeping up the technology and might likely disenfranchise electorates. For APC, they defend the electoral body’s argument that the electronic voter authentication system will curb rigging (Premium Times Newspaper, 2015). In order to allay fears on the use electronic voter authentication system for the 2015 general election, the electoral commission embarked on a field test in twelve countries of the Federation to determine the strengths and failings of the technology. At the conclusion of public demonstration of the electronic voter authentication system conducted in twelve states, INEC experiences some technical hitches but expressed satisfaction with the exercise, and decided to proceed ahead with the use of the technology for the general election (ThisDay Live Newspaper, 2015a). Nevertheless, during the general election, the Smart Card Readers malfunctioned in several polling units across the state. The Smart Card Readers reject some PVC issued by INEC and failed to take biometric data of the electorates (ThisDay Live Newspaper, 2015). For example, the Smart Card Reader failed to authenticate the PVCs of the PDP presidential candidate Goodluck Jonathan and his wife (Michael, 2015). However, there is evidence of rigging and manipulation of election results in some states. For example, during the governorship and house of assembly election in Akwa-Ibom state, the electoral commission declared a total number of 1,122,836 votes. Whereas, the total number captured and accredited by the electronic voter authentication system was 437,128 (Emmanuel, 2015). Therefore, with the said result, the total number of votes declared by INEC surpass the total number of accredited voters with 685,708 votes. The excess figure shows high-level electoral fraud in the election. Likewise, in Rivers state, the electoral commission declared a total number of 1,228,614 votes. Whereas, the total number accredited by the electronic voter authentication system was 292,878 and 935,736 votes was in excess (Adebayo, 2015).

The Recurring Decimal in the Electoral process in Nigeria shows that the conduct of election in Nigeria negates principles and tenets of democracy. Electoral system should be transparent in order to reflect the will and interest of the masses, and the people must be convinced in the fairness of the electoral process but if the voter’s registration system is faulty from the beginning, then the entire electoral process will be affected and viewed as illegitimate. A compromised election creates instability and can potentially undermine the growth of democracy. Compromised election denies the citizen the right to elect their representatives, which is their fundamental human rights. Any government that emerges from election marred by irregularities, underage voting, registering of multitude voters using fictitious names and registration of non-living objects, only breeds instability and underdevelopment, because their mandates were not derived from the people, therefore, they are not accountable to them, and the legitimacy of that type of government is put in question.

It can also be observed that the conduct of free and fair elections with an emphasis on genuine voter register has not yet being accepted by the political class, who has been molded in a culture of using unconventional means in achieving victory. The political elites in Nigeria need to start making conscious efforts towards planning a credible free and fair election, which will actually demonstrate that power belongs to the people. They also need to shift focus from seeing elective positions as a source of personal wealth to a more accountable and representative government.

Concisely, the inability of the Nigeria electoral commission to conduct free and fair elections often produces outcomes that impede democratic consolidation and development. The democratic development in Nigeria can only be secure if it develops an independent and impartial electoral institution that will ensure among other things the conduct of credible elections based on genuine and comprehensive voters register. Elections in Nigeria has the potential to improve but to achieve this, the electoral body must imbibe the culture of impartiality and neutrality in conducting election. It must also address its weaknesses in the area of voter’s registration and other electoral malpractices; as credible election and genuine voters, register confers legitimacy and transparency to the electoral process.

V.   CONCLUSION 

The road map to credible elections in Nigeria requires comprehensive and genuine voters register which will ensure that electorates can exercise their right to vote; which in turns make the political leaders more accountable and responsive to the aspirations of their citizens and this remains the best way in strengthening democracy and its institutions. The identified dilemmas of electoral malpractices on democratic consolidation in Nigeria are devastating. This form of electoral malpractices occurs to attain and retain political office, and this has marred the conduct of credible elections in Nigeria. It has also denied the citizens the opportunities and rights to participation in governance and at the same time renders it impossible for the government to be accountable to the people. Apparently, any government established through electoral malpractices can never produce a political system that is inclusive and democratic. There is no doubt whatsoever that electoral malpractices and lack of comprehensive and genuine voters register in Nigeria stands as impediments to its democratic consolidation.

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  30. Okey Ndiribe, “Anambra 2013: INEC admits irregularities, fixes Nov. 30 for supplementary election” Vanguard Newspaper on November 23, 2013, https://www.vanguardngr.com/ 2013/11/anambra-2013-inec-admits-irregularities-fixes-nov-30-supplementary-election/
  31. Vincent Ujumadu & Uche Osibe Awka, “Anambra: INEC holds supplementary poll” Vanguard Newspaper on November 30, 2013, https://www.vanguardngr.com/2013/11/anambra-inec-holds-supplementary-poll/
  32. ThisDay Live, “Danger Signs from Ekiti, Osun Elections” on April 14, 2014, https://www. thisdaylive.com/articles/danger-signs-from-ekiti-osun-elections/176145/
  33. Channels Television, “Nigeria’s Electoral Commission Releases Time Table for 2015 Elections” on January 25, 2014, https://www. channelstv.com/2014/01/25/nigerias-electoral-commission-releases-time-table-for-2015-elections/

  1. INEC, “Matters Arising from Ekiti & Osun PVC Distribution, Continuous Voter Registration” https://www.inecnigeria.org/?inecnews=matters-arising-from-ekiti-osun-pvc-distribution-continuous-voter-registration
  2. Premium Times Newspaper, “Fayose dethrones Fayemi, sweeps Ekiti governorship election” on June 22, 2014, https://www. premiumtimesng.com/news/163459-breaking-fayose-wins-ekiti-governorship-election.html
  3. Gbenga Faturoti, “APC set to challenge Ekiti guber poll result in court” Daily Independent Newspaper on 11 July 2014, https://daily independentnig.com/2014/07/apc-set-challenge-ekiti-guber-poll-result-court/
  4. The Nation Newspaper (2014), APC to challenge Ekiti election in court, says Oni, 11 July, online: < https://thenationonlineng.net/ apc-to-challenge-ekiti-election-in-court-says-oni/> (20 July 2016).
  5. AIT Online, “Ekiti Gate: Leaked Tape of How 'Rigging' Was Hatched Exposed” on February 2015, https://www.aitonline.tv/post-ekiti_gate __leaked_tape_of_how__rigging__was_hatched_exposed
  6. Sahara Reporters, “AUDIO AND TRANSCRIPT: How Obanikoro, Chris Uba, Omisore, Olubolade, Nigerian Army General Rigged Fayose into Power in Ekiti State” on February 6, 2015a, https://saharareporters. com/2015/02/06/audio-and-transcript-how-obanikoro-chris-uba-omisore-olubolade-nigerian-army-general
  7. Sahara Reporters, “Group Releases 200,000 Copies of Ekitigate Video” on March 5, 2015b, https://saharareporters.com/2015/03/05/group-releases-200000-copies-ekitigate-video-1
  8. Channels Television, “2015 Elections: INEC Begins Voters Registration Exercise” on April 30, 2014, https://www.channelstv.com/2014/ 04/30/2015-elections-inec-begins-voters-registration-exercise/
  9. INEC, Statement on the Timetable for 2015 General Elections by the Chairman, Professor Attahiru Jega, INEC Bulletin on February 7, 2015, https://www.inecnigeria.org/?Inecnews =statement-on-the-timetable-for-2015-general-elections-by-the-chairman-independent-national-electoral-commission-inec-professor-attahiru-m-jega-at-a-press-conference-on-february-07th-2015
  10. Electoral (Amendment) Act. (2010). Federal Republic of Nigeria Official Gazette. No. 92. Vol. 97.
  11. Omeiza Ajayi, “INEC and politics of PVC, CVR” National Mirror on December 02, 2014, https://nationalmirroronline.net/new/inec-and-politics-of-pvc-cvr/
  12. Augusta Ogakwu, “It's Card Readers or Nothing-INEC” Sahara Reporters on April 6, 2015, https://saharareporters.com/2015/04/ 06/its-card-readers-or-nothing-inec
  13.  INEC News, “INEC Statement on Card Reader Demonstration” on March 9, 2015, https://www.inecnigeria.org/?inecnews=inec-statement-on-card-reader-demonstration
  14. Premium Times, “U.S. Vice President calls President Jonathan, backs use of card readers” on March 20, 2015, https://www. premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/178830-u-s-vice-president-calls-president-jonathan-backs-use-of-card-readers.html
  15. ThisDay Live “Recounting the Card Reader Experience” on April 23, 2015, https://www. thisdaylive.com/articles/recounting-the-card-reader-experience/207491/
  16. Michael Oche, “Elections: What Difference Did Card Readers Make?” Leadership Newspaper on April 5, 2015, https://leadership.ng/news/ 423212/elections-what-difference-did-card-readers-make
  17. Emmanuel Uzodinma, “Anxiety in Akwa Ibom, Rivers as election tribunal begins sitting” Daily Post Newspaper on May 9, 2015, https://daily post.ng/2015/05/09/anxiety-in-akwa-ibom-rivers-as-election-tribunal-begins-sitting/
  18. Adebayo Hassan, “Electoral fraud: Group seeks arrest of Rivers, Akwa-Ibom INEC chiefs” Premium Times Newspaper on May 10, 2015, https://www.premiumtimesng.com/ news/more-news/182705-electoral-fraud-group-seeks-arrest-of-rivers-akwa-ibom-inec-chiefs.html


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